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  • Writer's pictureIsaac Cui

I’ve taken a bit of a break from blogging for the last few weeks due to exams. They went . . .


We’ll see.


Basically, though, that means my life has been limited to two main things: studying for exams (“revising,” as the British say) and attending the local church. Since I thought I’d spare you my deep, profound reflections on the feasibility of “really responsive regulation” or the efficacy of the credit rating agencies regulatory regime in the EU, I instead figured I’d devote this post to thinking through why I started attending this church, and what I’m looking for in doing so.


Let me first start with some admissions and context. First, though I was raised in a Christian household, the faith never “stuck” with me. Something about the religion just didn’t click with my elementary school-aged self. By middle school, I would have claimed to be a strong atheist — I had believed that ideas of science and modern rationality had outdated a need for religion (we are told, after all, that “God is dead”). I think by the middle of college, I had come to a much more uncertain agnosticism: truthfully, I have no idea whether there’s an afterlife or some higher being out there.


Second, beyond the theological questions, I did have experiences with religious institutions. Early on, I did attend church with my family until I essentially boycotted it. For some reason, I didn’t like the children at the church; I didn’t like the preaching (I was so bored and would fall asleep, probably snoring just to be extra obnoxious); and I didn’t find any value to the lessons I was ostensibly learning. In college, when I was on my semester and summer “abroad” in D.C., I ended up going to a local church for about half a year — I loved it there, and I do intend to go back if I’m ever in the area, but I’m not sure it moved my faith much. Certainly, though, those experiences gave me much greater appreciation for religious institutions. All of those experiences, I should say, were with Protestant denominations of Christianity, and so it is the religion I am most familiar and comfortable with. (One of my friends was gracious enough to take me to a Sunday Mass at a Roman Catholic church in college, which I found fascinating. But beyond that and my experiences with Protestant Christianity, I have few direct experiences with the practice of religion.)


That background has given me a kind of comfort and curiosity about Christianity, especially more recently, but it hasn't given me a compulsion to seek the faith. I had enjoyed when in Classical Political Theory, for example, we read portions of the Bible or St. Augustine’s Confessions. But I didn’t feel a desire to actively read those texts given all the other books I want to read. (I’ll note that I think I’ll add Confessions to my summer reading, because I do think it’s a fascinating book.)


The proximate cause, then, for me seeking out a church was, I’d say, three-fold. First, I wanted to meet different people — I’m nervous by how much of a bubble I sometimes feel that I’m in, and I feel like churches with a sense of community (especially local community) are a great way of getting out of certain kinds of bubbles. (But see, of course, research on residential segregation and links to political bubbles.) Second, and related, I wanted to meet British people — not because I don’t love the diversity of London (they say you’ll hear five different languages walking five minutes in London, which I think is probably an underestimate), but because I feel some kind of obligation to meet non-transient, -cosmopolitan folk (LSE is 70% international) given the program I’m on is a cultural exchange program. Third, and most important, is that I’ve been thinking about a few ideas from Judith Shklar and her 1984 book, Ordinary Vices.


I’ll admit that I learned the central thrust of the book from (who else?) David Runciman’s History of Ideas; season 2 ends with a discussion of Judith Shklar, a somewhat obscure contemporary political theorist. I was somewhat aware of her work before (I wrote about one of her essays in my post about political theory a few months ago), but I hadn’t engaged with her work much. I’m currently working my way through the book itself, and this post focuses on the first few chapters that I’ve read.


Runciman’s telling of Shklar’s thought left me thinking about two ideas that I felt were especially compelling: first, Shklar says that we’re inevitably going to perform what she calls the “ordinary vices” of cruelty, betrayal, hypocrisy, snobbery, and misanthropy; and second, as vices of our personalities, they exist at both a personal and political level, and our political response ought to differ from our personal response to these vices. That second point will matter for thinking about formal politics, but I want to examine the first point mostly for this post.


If we’re inevitably flawed — if we’re inevitably cruel, betrayers, hypocrites, snobs, and misanthropes — then what do we do? As Runciman explains it, Shklar thinks that being ethical is about exercising good judgment — about being judicious about how much (and how) we allow ourselves to be viceful. Shklar’s most famous idea from Ordinary Vices is simple: put cruelty first. But putting cruelty first, she suggests, can lead to all kinds of vice, including, most troublingly, further cruelty. Think, for example, of communist dictators who have justified all kinds of cruelty in the name of emancipation and equality — in the name of eradicating cruelty. I came away from that episode thinking that Shklar’s ideas are helpful but wanting more depth — I wanted guidance that comprised more than just: “exercise good judgment.”


The parallels to religion — and specifically Christianity — jumped out to me when listening to Runciman’s account. I’d venture to guess that all religions have a moral component to them, and they have institutionalized mechanisms for promoting those teachings. Moreover, Christianity assumes human flaws to be inherent (original sin), paralleling Shklar’s argument about the inevitability of ordinary vices. So I figured that looking to Christian teaching, and thinking through how Christianity institutionalizes its moral education, could be a good place to look for a supplement to Shklar’s thought.


Is Christianity a misguided place to look? I can think of a few arguments for why Christianity isn’t the answer: the problems of Christian cruelty and of ethics and faith. Both arguments have force, and so I feel a need to think them through and justify why I believe they are ultimately wrong.


The Problem of Christian Cruelty. The argument, I think, goes something like this: maybe Christianity has no moral high ground with which to teach morality. Many historical atrocities — much cruelty — has been inflicted on others in the name of Christianity, such that maybe its teachings are inapt for an ethical system that puts cruelty first. It was in the name of Christianity that conquistadors of the Spanish empire colonized, enslaved, and committed genocide against Native peoples of the Americas. It was in the name of Christianity that many slaveholders in the American South justified their peculiar institution. And Christianity’s moral stain isn’t just a matter of history: today, much coercion and cruelty against LGBTQ people, to take only one example, are justified in the name of Christianity.


Shklar writes of the novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne: “The truth about Christianity, as Hawthorne saw it, was that it feeds and thrives on our natural propensity toward cruelty.” Hawthorne dramatized Puritan Massachusetts. He wrote about the ways in which its conformist ethic demonized non-Christians and how, when left with none to demonize, Christian theology “turn[ed] inward upon the self,” yielding self-hatred, and guilt, and humiliation. Thus the Nietzschean critique — that a religion of the meek that seeks to purify our natural inclinations yields a most pitiful version of humanity. Shklar summarizes: “The physical discharge of cruelty had been blocked by Christianity and turned inward against the self. Such a psyche was made to suffer cruelly from sin, guilt, and bad conscience. . . . In its long career, Christianity and its secularized offspring had made Europeans sick, crippled, tame, weak, awkward, mediocre, bored, timid herd animals.”


In light of that history and practice, why turn to Christianity for moral guidance?


The Problem of Ethics and Faith. A second argument might be that Christianity, perhaps, just doesn’t say all that much about ethics — that the fundamental message is about faith rather than ethics. I’ve joined the student Bible study at the church, and we have been reading the Epistle to the Galatians, where Paul instructs an early Christian church in Galatia about the proper teachings of Christianity. As I’ve had it explained to me, a central message in Galatians is that living according to law* cannot enable salvation — that only accepting a closeness to God can. Indeed, the final discussion question from our reading of Galatians 2: “How would you explain the difference between being moral and being a Christian to someone that thinks being good makes them acceptable to God?” Perhaps, one could say, there is not much there there, so to speak.


Each argument, I think, has force, but I don’t think they’re ultimately persuasive.


Begin with the problem of Christian cruelty. Here, I would make three arguments. First, the argument flies in the face of my own life and experiences. Many of the people whom I most respect are Christians, and their faith seems an integral part of what makes them respectable: their devotion to certain principles, their caring for others, their belief in the value of community, and so on. I find it difficult to summarily reject a doctrine that has so much force for so many people by adopting such an overarching critique, one that captures few of the nuances of my experiences.


Second, it seems to me unduly harsh to ideas, which are always pervertible. Many of the values I most care about — equality, freedom, human rights — are invoked to justify the worst of atrocities, but I do not ascribe the atrocities to those values. In other words, it seems to me that the burden must be not merely “x idea has been used for bad ends” but that something intrinsic about the ideas themselves leads to, or tends toward, bad ends.


Certainly some of the critiques get at this latter burden, but I’m not sure I find them persuasive. Hawthorne may be right that Christian ethics are invoked to discipline members of a congregation, and in Puritan Massachusetts that may have been quite dangerous — but the idea in the abstract isn’t so (after all, social shaming is a crucial and natural way to institutionalize values). Similarly, the Nietzschean critique seems to be that Christianity makes us less proud of our natural ways of living, in favor of conformism and weakness. But is that so bad? To take the Shklarian view is to assume that our natural inclinations aren’t good — that we tend toward vice and that limiting at least some of those vices (foremost cruelty) is a good thing. Discipline is an important part of putting cruelty first. Going too far is, of course, a bad thing; McCarthyism is no virtue. But these are arguments about how extremist Christian values may become cruel and violent — they don’t imply that those values inherently will become such. Indeed, they may be better commentaries on extremism than they are on Christianity.


Third, and relatedly, what matters to me is about how ideas become lived — how we structure life around and with them. (Remember that my original motivation was to learn about how to live according to Shklarian ethics.) I think religion has historically been an important way in which societies have passed down ethics. Religions are therefore a good place to start for thinking through ethical questions precisely because they are lived and not merely analyzed in solitude. One of the wisest things I’ve learned while being in the UK, which I wrote about half a year ago, is the importance of community for ethics. Accountability, reputation, acceptance, guilt, shame — these are powerful forces in life, at least for me, and they point toward community and relationships as a means for becoming more moral. To put this point in a jargon-y, academic way: churches institutionalize accountability relationships by which members become beholden to the church’s mission. People systematically congregate to examine a central set of ideas, and they hold each other to account for living in accordance with those ideas. I think learning about how a church achieves its mission can be a way to think about ethical living even if I end up becoming disillusioned with the message of the church.


Turn now to the second problem — the problem of ethics and faith. This problem is somewhat difficult to answer since I am very much still learning about Christian thinking, but I can sketch out two potential answers, one of which I find more compelling than the other.


The first is a rough paraphrase of what I was told when I brought up a question in our study of Galatians 2. The argument is that ethics follows faith. That is, once one accepts the Gospel, then one will feel an obligation to act in service of God. And in doing so, one will act in an ethical way. Presumably this answer is in part to deal with a dilemma: a Christian can’t argue that ethics are irrelevant to salvation (surely the “creative compiler” who believes in their heart-of-hearts in the resurrection of Jesus but who acts cruelly in everyday life cannot make it to heaven), but he or she also can’t argue that ethics are just as relevant as faith, for the Bible teaches that faith in Jesus is the exclusive means of salvation. And the middle-ground answer (ethics are relevant but not as important as faith) seems rather vague so as to be unhelpful.


All that said, I would add two observations about this argument. First, note that it doesn’t give any prescription — it doesn’t teach how to be ethical, so much as assuming that one will seek to be ethical upon being faithful. In other words, this answer alone can’t get us to the goal of thinking about how to live an ethical life. We would need to look somewhere else (presumably to the Gospel and the life of Jesus). Second, and related, the argument either must gerrymander the meaning of accepting the Gospel to include some sense of ethics (i.e., that genuine acceptance of Jesus’s resurrection cannot enable the “creative complier” discussed earlier), at which point we’re back in the middle-ground of ethics and faith being connected but differently weighed, or it is an empirical statement about the meaning of acceptance (i.e., any who accept Jesus’s resurrection will seek to act in service of God). I think this argument is quite interesting and thought-provoking in terms of how to conceive of religious motivation and how that translates into ethics. But I am neither convinced of its instructiveness (for my specific purpose) nor of its analytical clarity.


Another argument is that, perhaps, Christianity in fact has much to say about ethics — and that much of that ethical teaching is separable from the faith (or, at least, that that teaching has relevance outside of the faith even if it is meant to be inseparable from faith). I do not know whether this argument will be controversial among practicing Christians. I have a weekly lunch with one of the workers at the Church, and when I discussed my original interest in the ethical teachings of the Church based on the ideas of Shklar, he responded with some skepticism: In essence, he thought, the core ethical teachings of Christianity just aren’t that surprising — one could come up with many of the teachings of the Sermon on the Mount absent turning to Christianity. But in thinking more about Christianity, it does seem to me that a few core practices of the religion are in fact quite enlightening from a Shklarian perspective.


Putting Cruelty First. It occurs to me that the central story of Christianity — the crucifixion of Jesus — is an allegory about cruelty. And when I was walking through the British Museum (pictures below) and thinking about Shklar and Christianity, it occurred to me that much of the iconography of Christianity essentially boils down to reminding the viewer of just how cruel humans can be. After all, crucifixion is not an ordinary method of execution; it is among the most cruel and unusual punishments one can devise, one meant to inflict an agonizing, public, humiliating death on the victim. Cruelty inheres in the figure of the cross, and it is difficult not to think about that cruelty when confronted with Christian imagery.


Interestingly enough, Shklar begins her book by reference to religion and argues that her ethics must exist outside of a religious framework. She distinguishes at the beginning between sin and vice — how sins are committed against God, whereas vices are committed against humans. For her, putting cruelty first must exist outside of a religious framework, for cruelty

is a wrong done entirely to another creature. When it is marked as the supreme evil it is judged so in and of itself, and not because it signifies a denial of God or any other higher norm. . . . By putting it unconditionally first, with nothing above us to excuse or to forgive acts of cruelty, one closes off any appeal to any order other than that of actuality. To hate cruelty with utmost intensity is perfectly compatible with Biblical religiosity, but to put it first does place one irrevocably outside the sphere of revealed religion. For it is a purely human verdict upon human conduct and so puts religion at a certain distance.

The crucifixion seems contrary to her analysis. If humans are said to be made in the image of God, and they are to be cherished as such, then it follows that putting cruelty first for its own sake can certainly follow from a Christian ethics. Indeed, isn’t the central paradox of Jesus in Christian teaching that he was both divine and human? And if he was so, doesn’t centering the violence done onto him reflect not only violence against God, but also violence against a man? It seems to me that the focus on Jesus’s crucifixion centers cruelty against humans as an ethical problem in itself.


I want to make the further argument that my (elementary) understanding of Christian ethics can be enlightening by reference to Shklar’s analysis of putting cruelty first. In other words, I want to show that thinking with the grain may yield fruitful ethical insights, even if one does not believe in the axioms undergirding Christian beliefs (e.g., the truth of Jesus’s resurrection, etc.).


Shklar says that putting cruelty first can lead to two tendencies: misanthropy or victim-glorification. The first is intuitive. When we immerse ourselves in the extent of cruelty in this world, it’s easy to come away thinking of humans as bad — as wicked creatures, capable of inflicting so much pain and damage on each other and our environment. (Just think of dog-lovers, who will often say that we do not deserve as kind-hearted companions as dogs. Wouldn’t everyone become some kind of animal lover after thinking about cruelty for too long? See, e.g., r/Eyebleach.) Putting cruelty first requires openly acknowledging the cruelty that exists. Cynicism isn’t far away.


Shklar also points, though, to a second tendency for those who put cruelty first. In reveling in the cruelty of the tormentor, they find solace in the virtues of the tormented. Those upon whom cruelty is inflicted become heroes: courageous people who define what it means to be a good person (think Mandela or Gandhi, Hamer or Anne Frank). Shklar is skeptical of our tendency to find as virtuous the victims of cruelty, not necessarily because she doubts any particular victims’ virtues but because she thinks the argument is facially absurd: to be a victim is to have cruelty done to you; victimhood doesn’t speak to your character. Her teacher throughout this book is Montaigne, the French essayist, and she critiques Montaigne’s tendency to valorize losers in wars, as if they were not equally seeking to be victors — to become the cruel tormentors. Thus, if one tendency of putting cruelty first is deep cynicism and despair about humans, the opposite tendency of victim-valorization is simply a salve for that cynicism: in doing so, the victims, in Shklar’s words, “are being used untruthfully, as a means to nourish our self-esteem and to control our own fears.”


It seems here that the Christian form of putting cruelty first does respond to these pitfalls. The premise of Jesus’s death is that of sacrifice — that in dying on behalf of humanity, Jesus might redeem and forgive humans for their sins. The story is simultaneously one about the wickedness of humanity and yet its redemption — how it might nevertheless be worthy of salvation. This is a story that on its face refuses misanthropy; it refuses to believe that people are irredeemably, irrevocably bad, even when they have committed the worst of vice and sin. This is a story that is victim-glorifying, of course, since the victim is said to be God. But in doing so, it reminds us that glorification is limited to something higher than us — in other words, such a sacrifice that ought to be glorified juxtaposes with humans, whose victimhood will nevertheless be subject to imperfections. In that sense, it seems to me that the central Christian teaching is one that affirms much of Shklarian ethics: it puts cruelty first while also recognizing and addressing the likely implications of misanthropy and victim-glorification.


Institutionalizing Reflection. There is a second way, I would submit, that Christian ethics may have much to teach, from a Shklarian perspective. I’ve been reading the Sermon on the Mount with the worker at the church over our weekly lunches. Last week, we got through the Beatitudes (11 verses!). But there was a particular line that, especially when he explained it, stood out to me.


“Blessed,” Jesus is recorded as preaching, “are those who mourn, for they will be comforted” (Matthew 5:5). As my friend explained it, Jesus is not blessing any generic mourner; someone who mourns a family member’s death will not cease to be blessed in a few weeks when they have finished their mourning. Rather, those who are blessed are those who are capable of mourning, who are and continue to be attentive to the cruelty that exists even as it is so easy to become hardened to daily injustices.


Insofar as Christianity teaches methods of following through with that blessing, I think Christianity very directly teaches a way to put cruelty first in our everyday lives. And it does seem to me that systematic prayer, that requirement of daily (or weekly) reflection and consideration of what is good, inculcates such a mourning worldview. Moreover, doing so in a group — praying in front of others and vocalizing those commitments — builds lines of accountability that help turn sentiments into reality. I’m reminded of Shklar’s observation that the sentimentality of Virginian slaveholders — recorded, no less, in their diaries — was a method of assuaging guilt while avoiding doing the hard work of dismantling a morally bankrupt system of life. Openly professing one’s sentiments perhaps leads to more action than to mere guilt-assuasion, if only because it exposes one to charges of hypocrisy.


These thoughts are very much cursory ideas. I’ve attended only a few Sunday services, had only a few conversations with members at the church. And similarly, I’ve only read the first few chapters of Shklar's book. So I expect (hope) my thoughts will evolve and change. I would love your insights, though, since I am very much muddling through these ideas.


*There was ambiguity in the seminar as to whether Paul was discussing divine or state-based law, although as it was explained in the seminar, the term “law” seemed to be all-inclusive, i.e., to be closer to the idea of duty in deontological ethics than to law as a sociological phenomenon.


* * * * *

Roses: Life has been quite boring recently because it has almost entirely been devoted to studying for exams. But some fun things that happened over the past few weeks:

* I went to a second-hand bookstore with a Marshall friend. It was lovely. I’ve been on the lookout for books by some authors who seem really important that I’ve never read (Baldwin, Shklar, Schattschneider, Fenno, Cedric Robinson, Quentin Skinner, Skocpol, Converse, V.O. Key). Do let me know if you think there are others I should add to that list — I’m thinking mostly of political thinkers and historians. I ended up getting a C. Vann Woodward book (unexpected, but I’m very excited, especially as I begin to ramp up reading about Southern history for my dissertation) as well as a book by Skinner (more to be expected, since he’s the only UK person on this list).

* I got to attend senior politics thesis presentations, which were wonderful.

* I had my LSE friend over to make pizzas over the weekend, which was really fun! The pizzas turned out pretty well (all the props go to Andrew for making good dough).

* I had a really nice call with a fellow Marshall on Monday. I didn’t know her too well, and the one time I had called her before, I was worried that I had alienated her by asking too many questions. (She grew up on a farm, and I was just so curious.) But the call on Monday felt much less awkward.

* It turns out there’s a group of American Southerners around my age who are on a church fellowship, and they got paired with this local Anglican church. I’m getting to know some of them (I got lunch with one of them on Tuesday), and that’s been quite nice.

* I had a catchup call with one of my old Pomona professors, which is always nice.

* Andrew made gumbo, and it was truly glorious. Cajun food: one of humanity’s great treasures.


* I went to the British Museum on Monday since museums just opened up this week, and I wanted a bit of a break from academics after so many weeks of exam prep.


Buds:

* I’m going to start a collaboration with a connection at NYU’s Brennan Center looking at districting in the UK compared with the US, which will be interesting.

* I’m excited to catch up with friends; I feel like I’ve been ignoring much socializing (the roses list may be a bit misleading — almost all of that happened since this last weekend, after I had finished my exams!).

* I’m excited to get back into blogging and writing stuff that no one reads :)

* Some Marshalls are visiting London this weekend, and I’m going to see an old friend on Saturday, so both should be fun.

* I get to dive in more deeply into my thesis soon, which will be exciting.


Thorns:

* My sleep schedule right now is truly messed up. In part this is due to mistakes on Saturday (basically going to a pub on an empty stomach and getting unexpectedly drunk), but probably more important is that I’m trying to cut out coffee right now. After having around 3–4 cups of coffee every day for the last few weeks, I’ve decided to go cold turkey. Life feels very blurry.

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  • Writer's pictureIsaac Cui

I’m quickly realizing that exam season has crept up on me and I haven’t really been studying, so I’m going to put a hiatus on the long posts and stick to shorter weekly reflections! But I do promise to circle back in a few weeks and do a post on meritocracy!


Rose:

* I had a call with an old Pomona friend who I hadn’t talked with in about half a year — it was really nice to catch up with her! Here are some pictures I took when I was walking around on that call (and some other calls).

* Had a few calls about dissertation work, which were informative and helpful.

* My capital markets law professor did a class “social” Zoom call earlier in the week, basically to check in with folks. It was really nice! There was lots of talk about fintech and cryptocurrency regulation, which I know nothing about (I’m clearly in way over my head with this class). But it’s always nice, I think, to hear about people’s interests, especially when they’re very different from yours.

* Perhaps in a sign of my true nerdery, I really enjoyed listening to a conference about regulation earlier this week! One of my scholar-heros, Dan Carpenter, spoke on a panel, and it was great.


Bud:

* I decided to try to get out a bit more into the community and to meet random Londoners, beyond LSE/Marshall people. So I went earlier today to a local church! It’s part of the Church of England (it’s wild to me that they have an established church here), and I met some nice people.


Thorn:

* I’ve spent most of the last week and a half reading and writing about nuclear waste regulation for a school paper. It’s sometimes interesting, sometimes tedious, and sometimes just overwhelming. But the bigger problem is now I’m in a deep hole when it comes to studying for exams!!


Gratitude: London really seems to be glowing, and I am very thankful. It feels alive in a way that I haven’t felt since being here. The sun has been out, people are out and about (outside, of course!) as the lockdown eases. Kids are playing in parks as parents chat on picnic blankets. I’m reminded of a OneRepublic song I used to like in middle school: “Well this is life in color / Today feels like no other / And the darkest grays / The sun bursts, clouds break.” Or, because Taylor Swift: “And now I see daylight, I only see daylight.”

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There’s a phrase that’s often bandied about with respect to the Marshall Scholarship: the “Special Relationship.” The pretense is that there is something exceptional in the Anglo-American relationship — something that ties our countries together beyond merely instrumental cooperation or historical circumstance. Wikipedia suggests that the existence of a special relationship was noted as early as the late nineteenth century but that the term’s popular invocation is linked to Churchill and his famously close ties to Franklin Roosevelt.


It’s to that period, too, that the Scholarship actually traces. George Marshall, the American general and later cabinet secretary, pointed to a war-torn Europe in the aftermath of World War II, warning of the breakdown of the “basis of modern civilization,” and he advocated for a massive aid program to rebuild the continent. That program — the Marshall Plan — was the proximate cause for the British government creating a scholarship program for Americans, and the British government named that new program after Marshall. The program was a gesture of good will and an effort to cement the Special Relationship.


The Marshall Plan is a nice story, but I want to point to a different, earlier origin story of what we might now call the Special Relationship. It’s a story that begins — eighty-five years before the advent of the Marshall Plan — in the North West England county of Lancashire.


Lancashire was a site of rapid modernization in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. The Industrial Revolution began in Britain, and its textile industry centered in Lancashire — and more specifically, the cities of Manchester and Liverpool. Manchester, for example, grew from a small town of less than 10,000 at the beginning of the eighteenth century to a city of around 89,000 by the end of that century, and further to a giant metropolis of 400,000 by 1851. Growth in manufacturing was breathtaking: the British textile industry used 22 million pounds of raw cotton in 1787; 52 million by 1800; and 588 million by 1850. Britain was the center of cotton processing around the world: in 1800, 95% of the world’s cotton spindles were in Britain, and even a century later, still a majority of cotton spindles (58%) were on the island. And in Britain, Lancashire — and specifically Manchester, known as “Cottonopolis” — was, in Hourani’s words from 1900, “the centre of the cotton industry . . . .”


That industry was heavily dependent on the American South. The historian W.O. Henderson, in 1932, noted that 78% of Lancashire’s cotton came from the American South by 1860. The outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 thus spurred an “unprecedented crisis” in the cotton industry, spelling disaster for the Mancunians. The New York Times, in a November 26, 1862 article, summarized the situation with an apt headline: “THE DISTRESS IN LANCASHIRE.” It went on to describe the “great domestic tragedy” of mass unemployment of cotton mill workers, with rippling effects throughout the Lancastrian economy: “[t]ailors, shoemakers, bakers, milliners, beerhouse-keepers,” and many others lost the primary sources of business as a result of the cotton shortage. Of the 360,751 cotton mill workers, the Times reported, only 58,638 were working full time, with 119,712 working part-time. Just over half (182,401) were entirely unemployed. And, the Times reported, “[t]he prospect darkens each day . . . . Business in the Manchester market is virtually at a stand-still . . . .” Soup kitchens and relief societies were created, but the relief they distributed, The Observer wrote in an April 27, 1862 article, “has been but as a drop in the ocean.” This disaster — what became known as the Lancashire Cotton Famine — would last through the end of the American Civil War into 1865.


It’s worth noting precisely why famine was brought on to Lancashire. The North had ordered a naval blockade of the South, attempting to starve its economy. But that blockade wasn’t fully successful (or so, at least, the Mancusians thought). After all, John Bright, a Member of Parliament, argued, the port of New Orleans, in 1863, wasn’t blockaded — cotton could reach Britain if Southerners really wanted it to. But, The Manchester Guardian records on February 4, 1863, Bright alleged that the South instead “burn[ed] the cotton that they may injure us, because they think we cannot live even for a year without their cotton, and that to get it we shall send ships of war, break the blockade, and make war upon the North, and assist the slave-owners to obtain their independence.”


There’s some basis for this logic. The conventional reasoning of Southerners regarding the international ramifications of the Civil War traced to a 1858 speech by Senator James Henry Hammond of South Carolina. On the Senate floor, he argued that the South, “[w]ithout firing a gun, without drawing a sword,” could “bring the whole world to our feet.” If the South were to withdraw its cotton crop from the world, Hammond thought, “England would topple headlong and carry the whole civilized world with her, save the South.” Cotton from the South was so integral to the global economy that “[n]o power on earth dares to make war upon it.” Hammond concluded with a famous phrase that would reverberate throughout Southern politics in this era: “Cotton is king.”


And indeed, there were certainly sympathizers with the South among the Lancashire folks, those workers and factory owners who suffered from the collapse of this global industry. Moreover, among the elites of Britain, opinion was divided; many of the London gentry, for example, saw the Southern aristocrats — those fellow landowners occupying the upper echelons of society — as their peers. In February 16, 1863, the New York Times described the UK government’s policy toward the Civil War as “that of a careful neutrality, with Southern sympathies.”


It’s in this context — widespread economic despair among the Lancashire working-class and a divided public tinged with Southern sympathy — that the workers of Manchester gathered on December 31, 1862 — on the eve of the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. They assembled, noted one J.C. Edwards, because some in Britain saw it fit to “laud the conduct of the Southern slaveholders in their secession movement, and to disguise the fact that the South rebelled to conserve, perpetuate, and extend slavery, and that in fact slavery was the sole cause of the present Civil War . . . .” Indeed, Edward Hoosen added, the local paper — the Manchester Guardian (which would become today’s Guardian) — expressed pro-slavery sentiments on behalf of Lancashire, and so the working people of Manchester came together “to set themselves right with the world.” The outcome of that meeting was a remarkable letter sent to Abraham Lincoln from “the citizens of Manchester assembled at the Free Trade Hall.” (That they used the term “citizens” is relevant, for many women would’ve been among the Mancusian workforce and at this meeting.)


Their letter begins and ends with the relationship between Britain and the United States — a relationship, they wrote, founded on a shared heritage of “orderly and legal freedom.” The citizens of Manchester, they explained, “rejoice in your greatness as an out-growth of England whose blood and language you share,” but “[o]ne thing alone has . . . lessened our sympathy with your country”: the presence and growth of Black enslavement.


They “joyfully honour[ed]” the President and Congress for their “many decisive steps towards practically exemplifying [their] belief in the words of [their] great founders, ‘all men are created free and equal.’” But they didn’t just write platitudes. Rather, they carefully noted the incrementals steps that Lincoln and Congress had taken toward emancipation: how Lincoln had emancipated slaves in D.C.; prevented impressing captured slaves into naval service; agreed to receive ambassadors “from the negro Republics of Hayti and Liberia, thus for ever renouncing that unworthy prejudice which refuses the rights of humanity to men and women on account of their colour”; made a treaty with Britain to help enforce their bans on the slave trade; banned slavery from U.S. territories; offered money for states who were electing to emancipate slaves; and banned generals from sending fugitive slaves back to their masters. Lincoln, in the Mancusians’ words, “entreated slave masters to accept these moderate offers,” and, upon having waited “long and patient[ly],” finally took the step to issue the broader Emancipation Proclamation.


Here, too, the Manchester citizens evinced a clear-eyed understanding of the situation. Lincoln’s choice to issue the Emancipation Proclamation on the next day would only create “unconditional freedom for the slaves of the rebel states.” Such an action, for the Manchester citizens, was a “humane and righteous course.” But they noted further: “We assume that you cannot now stop short of a complete unrooting of slavery.” They referred to “broad principles of humanity which must guide you”: “[H]uman beings should not be counted as chattels. Women must have the right of chastity and of maternity, men the rights of husbands, masters the liberty of manumission. Justice demands for the black no less than for the white the protection of laws—that his voice be heard in your courts.” They urged Lincoln, in short, “not to faint in your Providential Mission. . . . Leave no root of bitterness to spring up and work fresh misery to your children.” Fully eradicating slavery, they argued, would constitute a “glorious consummation” that would “cement Great Britain and the United States in close and enduring regards.” In moving a resolution to send the letter, Dr. J. Watts expressed an “earnest hope that England and America may ever remain knit together in the most intimate fraternal bonds.”


Two aspects of the letter are particularly evocative for me. First, the letter is remarkably incisive. Though it is filled with soaring rhetoric, it is quite concrete about what has happened — and what hasn’t. Even today, we sometimes confuse the Emancipation Proclamation for an order to free all slaves. That didn’t happen. Much more was required to fully eradicate slavery; indeed, some would say that we’ve failed to do so today with the Thirteenth Amendment’s exception for forced labor as punishment for a crime. My old political theory professor once noted that some kind of distance helps with enabling clear understanding. It’s why, in her example, friends usually can tell better than you can when your relationship to a significant other is toxic. Here, I think the citizens of Manchester more clearly understood what was at stake and what still had to be done than many Americans do today — both the triumphalists who celebrate the Emancipation Proclamation and the heroism of Lincoln as having freed all slaves and the deniers who claim the “War of Northern Aggression” primarily arose from constitutional concerns for states’ prerogatives.


Second, and relatedly, the letter exemplifies what I think is crucial in a good relationship: the holding of the other to account for shared ideals. A relationship founded on boosterism and niceties is closer to the relationship between a servant and master than that of equals. For it is when we are equal that we are exposed to each other’s scrutiny, to being held accountable for failing to live according to our ideals. The citizens of Manchester simultaneously lauded the importance of the Emancipation Proclamation as a “humane and righteous course” — Eric Foner’s The Fiery Trial notes that the order immediately freed tens of thousands of slaves in Union-occupied Confederate lands and signaled Lincoln’s commitment to emancipation without providing monetary compensation or colonization — but admonished that he not give in. The Mancusians understood that living to shared ideals is a shared process — they acknowledged that there were “ill-wishers here” who “oppose liberty at home,” that there were many English citizens who favored the South over the North. In celebrating Lincoln and urging him to go further in the project of freedom, the Manchester citizens also took a stance in their own politics, urging their own Parliament to live according to its professed values. Indeed, four months later, the Manchester Emancipation Society, which was formed from that December 31 meeting, would bring a petition to the House of Commons condemning an English firm that built a warship for the Confederacy, arguing that it violated British law and morality.


Lincoln’s response was simple and elegant. When he assumed the presidency, Lincoln wrote, “one duty, paramount to all others, was before me, namely, to maintain and preserve at once the constitution and the integrity of the Federal Republic.” Maintaining the Union was his purpose. In a kind of dodging of moral responsibility, he remarks that “[i]t is not always in the power of governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results which follow the policies that they may deem necessary for the public safety from time to time to adopt.” His purpose alone was to maintain the Union.


But he also came to understand that the fate of the Union was tied to the fate of slavery. The attempt of the Confederacy, he explained, was an “attempt to overthrow this Government which was built on the foundation of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of slavery . . . .” The Emancipation Proclamation signaled that truth; Foner quotes Frederick Douglass, who explained that with the Proclamation, “‘[t]he cause of the slaves and the cause of the country’ had become one.”


A war on slavery, Lincoln understood in a nod to King Cotton, would create great pressures for Europe to intervene on behalf of the South. The South, Lincoln wrote, thus subjected “the working men of Europe . . . to a severe trial for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt [i.e., secession].” And that trial was severe indeed. In his most eloquent and touching sentences, Lincoln wrote,

I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the working men at Manchester and in all Europe are called to endure in this crisis. . . . Under these circumstances I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not been surpassed in any age or in any country. It is indeed an energetic and re-inspiring assurance of the inherent truth and of the ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom.

These letters — from the citizens of Manchester, dated to the day before the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation, and Lincoln’s response, dated January 19, 1863 — would form, in Lincoln’s mind, “an augury that, whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall your country or my own, the peace and friendship which now exists between the two nations will be . . . perpetual.”


The story of the Manchester workers who banded together in support of the Union feels like a heroic tale of good against evil, of suffering for one’s righteous cause, of international and cross-racial worker solidarity in support of inalienable human rights.


We can, of course, complicate the story, as the main players themselves do. Looming over much of the conversation in England is the possibility of importing cotton from India — that imperial domain that hardly reflects the shining beacon of British liberty — and, of course, the Lancashire workers’ reliance, up until the Cotton Famine, on slave-produced American cotton. Moreover, many Lancashire workers did support the Confederacy; it’s by no means clear that there was mass support for the Union among the Lancashire workers (although it does seem clear that in Manchester there was strong Union support).


On the other side, Lincoln, of course, was no saint. His purpose, as he himself noted, was to protect the Union, not to eradicate slavery. He spent much of his life thinking about how to entice slave owners to voluntarily give up their slaves, about how to send freedpeople to Liberia for colonization. Whether these attributes are defining characteristics of these people — whether we ought to think of them as fundamentally sinful but having done some good or as fundamentally good with sinful blots on their reputations — is for us to individually decide. But this “interchange of sentiments,” as Lincoln described the letters, ought, I think, to be viewed as foundational to the Special Relationship. In recognizing each other’s sufferings and difficulties and in holding each other to account for making reality their shared ideals, I think Lincoln and the Manchester citizens’ letters reflect what we should aspire to out of a relationship.


Today, at least two full statues of Abraham Lincoln stand in the United Kingdom. One is present right outside of the Palace of Westminster, where Lincoln stands alongside British prime ministers, Mandela, Gandhi, Fawcett, and others. When preparing for this blog post, I decided to go for a run past his statue and grab a picture, which is below.

Lincoln at Parliament Square
Lincoln at Parliament Square

A second stands in Manchester, placed there due to the connection forged between the workers of Manchester and the President of the United States in 1863.

* * * * *

Rose: London has begun reopening this last week, so one nice thing is that I got to go to the gym for the first time since December this last week. Fun times! I got a bit excited with exercising, and so on one of the off-days, I went for a run that was far too long for my body. On the positive side, I ended up running ten miles, and I got some pictures. On the negative side, I hurt my foot because — as I said — my body was not ready for that kind of run.



I also spent a long time on my dissertation and working out a theory section. As I’ve noted before, it’s fun work, although I’m getting less and less confident with the actual ideas as time passes and as I have more time to think about it.


I got a haircut on Wednesday (again a first since December!), and it was really nice to chat with a random person. My barber was a twenty-year-old guy who grew up in what he called a “small village” around twenty miles outside of London. It turns out he really likes talking about politics but rarely has the opportunity to do so (“they say to never talk politics in a barbershop,” he told me), so it was a fun conversation. I also went to the LSE library to get more books, and I found a book I had been trying to find for a while, which was a joy.


Bud: I heard back from LSE this week about my application for next year — I didn’t get in (not super surprising, but still a bit saddening), but that means I am for sure going to be in Manchester. And I am really eager to learn more about Manchester, especially after spending the last few days reading old newspapers about the Lancashire Cotton Famine. I’m a bit bummed about not being able to be with all the folks who will be in London next year, but I’m otherwise really excited to see Manchester.


Thorn: My foot has really been hurting due to that overly eager run, so that’s been an unfortunate development — especially because the weather is starting to look much better!


Gratitude: I’ve started doing Zoom sessions with a friend where we just sit on the video call and do work together. It’s a bit like when I’d used to go to the physics building at Pomona and do work alongside friends. It’s nice to have the solidarity and accountability, and I’m grateful to my friend for doing it with me.


Future topics: As I noted last week, I do want to return to the topic of meritocracy soon. Also, probably something about LBJ soon — this Caro book is fascinating.

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